Influence of the Tobacco
Industry on Wisconsin Tobacco Control Policies
A report of the
Monitoring and Evaluation
Program
University of Wisconsin
Comprehensive Cancer Center
October 2002
Table
of Contents
Sections
Page
·
Executive
Summary
5
·
Introduction
8
o
Early
History
9
·
I)
Tobacco’s Economic Impact in Wisconsin 11
o
Corporate
Overview 11
o
The
Tobacco Institute 12
§
Lobbying
and Legislative Activity 13
·
Youth
Access 14
·
Market
Expansion 14
·
Clean
Indoor Air 15
·
“The
List” 16
§
Manipulating
the Media 17
§
Undermining
Science 19
§
Conclusion 19
o
Philip
Morris (Altria) 20
§
Lobbying
and Political Action 22
§
Media
Advocacy 26
§
Opposition
of Organized Tobacco Control Efforts 29
§
Federal
Action from Wisconsin 31
§
Opposition
to Tobacco Excise Taxes 32
§
Opposition
of Clean Indoor Air Activities 33
o
R.J.
Reynolds 35
o
Brown
and Williamson 37
o
U.S.
Tobacco 37
o
Lorillard
Inc. 38
o
Agriculture 40
o
Manufacturing 42
o
Advertising
and Promotions 42
o
Philanthropy 46
o
Cigarette
Prices and Tobacco Taxation 48
o
Tobacco
Retail Sales 53
o
Cigarettes
and Convenient Stores 53
·
II)
Tobacco and the State Political Process 57
o
Allied
Industry Organizations 58
§
Petroleum
Marketers of WI / WI Association of
Convenience Stores (PMAW/WACS) 59
§
Wisconsin
Grocers Association 60
§
Wisconsin
Restaurant Association 61
§
Wisconsin
Tavern League 65
§
Wisconsin
Tobacco Growers Association 66
o
Political
Action 66
§
Issue
Campaigns 66
§
Industry
Contributions to Campaigns 67
§
Individual
Contributions from Tobacco
Industry Employees 69
§
U.S.
Senate 70
§
U.S.
House of Representatives 71
§
Governor 72
§
Wisconsin
State Senate 74
§
Wisconsin
State Assembly 76
§
Lobbying
Expenditures 80
§
Opposition
to Tobacco Industry Proposals 82
o
Impact
on Tobacco Policies 89
§
Youth
Policy 89
§
Tax
Policy 92
§
Clean
Indoor Air 93
§
Funding
Tobacco Control 95
§
Securitization
of the Master Settlement Agreement 96
§
Summary 97
·
Conclusion 98
Tables
·
Table
1: Philip Morris Wisconsin Subsidiaries 22
·
Table
2: Estimated Wisconsin Revenues and Profits 39
·
Table
3: Wisconsin Tobacco Production Trends 41
·
Table
4: Estimated Cigarette Advertising and Promotional
Expenditures
in Wisconsin 44
·
Table
5: Philanthropic Sponsorship of Wisconsin Events 47
·
Table
6: Cigarette Excise Tax Data for Wisconsin 50
·
Table
7: Cigarette Sales and Convenience Store Revenues 54
·
Table
8: Tobacco Campaign Contributions to Members
of U.S. Congress 71
·
Table
9: Tobacco Company and Allied Industry’s Contribution
to
Scott McCallum 74
·
Table
10: Tobacco Contributions to Wisconsin State Senators 75
·
Table
11: Tobacco Contributions to Campaign Committees 76
·
Table
12: Tobacco Contributions to Wisconsin Assembly Members 77
·
Table
13: Campaign Finance Contributions 80
·
Table
14: Lobbying Expenditures 82
·
Table
15: Anti-Tobacco Lobbying Expenditures 88
Figures
·
Figure
1: Tobacco Crop Production in Wisconsin 41
·
Figure
2: Estimated Tobacco Advertising and Promotional
Expenditures in the State of Wisconsin 43
·
Figure
3: Cigarette Sales in Wisconsin by Fiscal Year 49
·
Figure
4: Cigarette Tax as a Percent of Average Retail Price
Per Pack of Cigarettes 50
·
Figure
5: Wisconsin Tobacco Revenues (1990-2001) 51
·
Figure
6: Cigarette Volume Trends by Retail Segment 55
·
Figure
7: Number of Packs sold in WI and State Excise
Tax per Pack (1982-2000) 93
Executive Summary:
The purpose of this report by the Monitoring and
Evaluation Program of the University of Wisconsin Comprehensive Cancer Center
is to assist policy makers and tobacco control advocates in understanding the
role of the tobacco industry in forming state and local policies on tobacco in
Wisconsin. These activities in policy-making play an integral role in
the level of tobacco use in the state.
The late John Slade formulated a public health model of tobacco
addiction where the agent (of the disease) is tobacco, the host is the smoker
and the vector is the tobacco industry. Slade went on to hold that the
environmental conditions, which include the political conditions, laws and
regulations either foster the ability of the vector tobacco industry to claim
more lives or reduce their toll.[1]
The research question is therefore whether the tobacco industry influenced the
political, economic and regulatory environment in Wisconsin and if so, how that
influence occurred and the nature of its effects.
Based on an examination of primarily tobacco industry
internal documents, news sources and government data sources we conclude that
the tobacco industry in Wisconsin has played a dominant role in shaping public
policy on tobacco through the use of its economic and political power and
strategic alliances with influential industries. Tobacco industry policies have
contributed to higher than average rates of smoking among young
people
in the early nineties, higher rates of smoking among young adults than the
national average and higher than expected smoking rates among adults in
Wisconsin given its socio-economic characteristics.
This report should increase understanding of the
political and economic
dimensions
of Wisconsin’s tobacco industry and how it influences public policy related to
tobacco use. This report describes the
structure of the major tobacco companies, their economic interests in Wisconsin
and their activities to secure their public policy agenda in regard to
tobacco. The report also describes the
critical role played by the industry’s primary allies, the tavern and
restaurant association, the convenience store association, the grocer’s
association and their political agency, the now defunct Tobacco Institute. We
also examine the development and efforts of the Wisconsin tobacco control
movement regulating the environment and opposing the tobacco industry. Finally,
the report examines in detail the history of the tobacco industry’s lobbying
effort and political contributions in Wisconsin.
Cigarette sales in Wisconsin
declined by 15% in the period, 1991-2001. Although sales declined, profits for
the tobacco industry substantially exceed those of comparable consumer product
businesses. Gross cigarette sales in
Wisconsin are slightly less than 400 million packs per year and constitute
approximately $1 billion in revenue to the industry. In addition to tobacco
sales, Philip Morris, the dominant tobacco company in Wisconsin has operating
revenue of $8 billion and profits of over $1 billion from its major
subsidiaries Oscar Mayer, Tombstone Pizza and until recently, Miller Brewing in
which it continues to own a significant minor share. Philip Morris is also a
major buyer of dairy products for its Kraft Cheese division and manufactures approximately
half of the cigarettes sold in Wisconsin.
For over 40 years, the tobacco
industry has initiated and maintained strong inter-institutional relationships
with tobacco retailers, tavern and restaurant operators and a decreasing number
of tobacco farmers. This effort has
included initiating and sustaining a series of organizations and coalitions for
the purpose of mobilizing the “grassroots” of their economic allies in support
of the tobacco industry policy agenda.
Lobbying, grassroots mobilization,
media advocacy, philanthropic gifts to non-profit organizations and
contributions to candidates, committees and political parties have been the
major tools for influencing public policy.
These activities have enabled the tobacco industry to realize most of
their specific policy goals:[2]
·
A constant level of
cigarette tax as a percentage of price
·
State preemption of
local authority to regulate cigarettes
·
Clean indoor air
ordinances limited to a small percentage of the population and to a small
number of public places.
·
Largely unregulated
youth access to cigarettes
Reported contributions by the tobacco industry to
Wisconsin non-gubernatorial political candidates, committees and parties
totaled $356,572 in the three and a half year period from 1/1/99 to 8/26/02. It is likely that “soft money” contributions
to federal and state organizations and non-reported contributions to “issue”
advocacy organizations such as the Wisconsin Manufacturers and Commerce
supplemented their direct and reported contributions. Though the industry and its major allied organizations tend to
favor the party in the majority, contributions in the past six years have
overwhelmingly been directly primarily to Republican office holders at the
state and federal level.
The tobacco industry and its allied
organizations spend considerable resources on lobbying for their policy
agenda. Since 1997 the industry has
spent over $7.2 million on lobbying the state legislature. They hire former Democratic and Republican
legislators and other influential individuals as well as lobbyists who often
also lobby for health organizations.
These policies have contributed to:
Despite some changes in statements on intent and
attempts to re-position itself as a “new tobacco industry” over the past year,
there is no indication that the overall policy goals of the tobacco industry
and its primary allies have changed.
Introduction:
The purpose of this report by the Monitoring and
Evaluation Program of the University of Wisconsin Comprehensive Cancer Center
is to assist policy makers and tobacco control advocates in understanding the
role of the tobacco industry in forming state and local policies on tobacco in
Wisconsin. These activities in policy-making play an integral role in
the level of tobacco use in the state.
The late John Slade formulated the now familiar public health model
of tobacco addiction where the agent (of the disease) is tobacco, the host is
the smoker and the vector is the tobacco industry. Slade went on to hold that
the environmental conditions, which include the political conditions, laws and
regulations either foster the ability of the vector tobacco industry to claim
more lives or reduce their toll.[3]
The research question is therefore whether the tobacco industry influenced the
political, economic and regulatory environment in Wisconsin and if so, how that
influence occurred and the nature of its effects.
The Master Settlement Agreement negotiated between the
states’ Attorneys General and the tobacco industry in 1998 required the tobacco
industry to make previously confidential industry documents available through
the Internet. These documents supplemented the millions of documents previously
made available to the public and researchers as a result of the litigation
between Minnesota and the tobacco industry. As a result of the Master
Settlement Agreement and other litigation approximately 30 million industry documents
are now available for examination online. Over one thousand documents directly
reference Wisconsin and several hundred pertain to the policy concerns and
practices of the tobacco industry.
Much has been written over the years on the scope and
magnitude of the health burden created by tobacco use in Wisconsin.[4] There has also been considerable research
and action aimed at the methods of reducing this harm through prevention,
cessation, changes in the social environment in which tobacco is used and reducing
harm to non-smokers as a result of exposure to second hand smoke.
Spurred in part by the weight of scientific evidence
and in some instances personal experience, health professional and advocates as
well as local citizens decided to take action to reduce tobacco use in their
communities. However, as health advocates in Wisconsin began meaningful
initiatives to reduce tobacco use in local communities and the state, they were
often frustrated by visible and at times, invisible but powerful opposition.
Practical methods that might prevent tobacco use such as requiring
retailers to place cigarettes out of the reach of minors were strongly opposed
by powerful interests such as the convenience store industry at the state and
local level. The state government increasingly prevented the local communities
from enacting laws that would reduce tobacco use among minors. Over time, many
advocates came to a common conclusion that much of the opposition to their
initiatives came from a common source: the tobacco industry.
In his thesis entitled, “Unenforced Legislation in
Wisconsin” submitted in support of his Bachelor’s Degree received in 1912 from
the University of Wisconsin, G.H.A. Jenner wrote,
“The one law in Wisconsin which is violated most openly
and generally throughout the whole state is the cigarette law . . . That the
law is flagrantly and openly violated is a fact which is known to every person
in the state. Immediately after the law was passed, many places which sold
cigarettes stopped it, but when they saw that no attempt was made to enforce
the law, they all gradually took it up again and now there are as many places
selling them as there were before the law was passed . . .
The object of this law is to prevent boys getting into
the habit of smoking when it is likely to injure their health. In spite of the
law, however, it is safe to say that a majority of minors at the age of
nineteen or twenty have acquired the habit of using tobacco. No tobacco man
stops to question a young who asks for a package of tobacco whether he is old
enough to smoke and in fact few dealers refuse it even to small boys whom the
dealer cannot help knowing are too young to smoke.”[5]
Despite the fact that the 1891 law restricting sale of
cigarettes to minors was rarely if ever enforced, it was repealed in 1959. That
year, the Child Welfare Committee of the Legislative Council noted in its
rationale for repeal, “These provisions (relating to different ages of
permissible sale for different tobacco products) are confusing because of the
gaps and inconsistencies between them. More important, they are, for the most
part, completely ignored.”[6]
The following session there were four attempts to reinstate the
prohibition on sale to minors. All were unsuccessful. In response to the state
repeal attempts, a number of cities still made sale of tobacco to minors
illegal. Cities from Milwaukee to
Cassville passed such ordinances as well as ordinances prohibiting children
from smoking in taverns unless accompanied by parents or guardians.